Persia

The Akkadian name for Persia, attested across more than five centuries of Mesopotamian documentary tradition under several phonological forms reflecting different stages of contact between the Mesopotamian and Iranian worlds. The earliest attestations appear in the Neo-Assyrian royal annals of Shalmaneser III and his successors in the ninth century BCE, where Parsuwaš or Parsumaš identifies a tribal-political entity in the Zagros mountains east of Assyrian territory. Through the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods the form is gradually simplified to Parsu and ultimately to Pārsa, the form used in the Achaemenid-period royal inscriptions where Akkadian serves as the third chancellery language alongside Old Persian and Elamite.

Akkadian Pārsa is the only entry on this page that names Persia before Persia politically existed. The Neo-Assyrian scribes who recorded Parsuwaš in the ninth century BCE were documenting a tribal-ethnic group in the Iranian highlands roughly three hundred years before Cyrus the Great founded the empire that would conquer their own descendants’ civilization. The same Akkadian naming tradition then records Persia’s rise: the Cyrus Cylinder, composed in Akkadian around 539 BCE, presents Cyrus to his newly conquered Babylonian subjects in the language of their own historical tradition, identifying him as “king of Anshan, king of Pārsa” in a remarkable document of self-presentation across linguistic and cultural boundaries. The temporal arc of Akkadian Pārsa, from highland tribe in Assyrian annals through rising power in Neo-Babylonian sources to imperial subject of trilingual royal inscriptions, preserves the long Mesopotamian view of Persia as Persia itself evolved from one of many peoples east of the Zagros into the empire that absorbed Mesopotamia.

The Biblical Hebrew name for Persia, descended from Old Persian Pārsa through Northwest Semitic phonological adaptation, most likely transmitted into Hebrew through Imperial Aramaic, which served as the chancellery language of the Achaemenid Empire. Pāras is among the most prominently attested foreign-country names in the Hebrew Bible, appearing throughout the Persian-period historical books (Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther), the apocalyptic visions of Daniel that organize world history around the succession of Persian and Greek empires, and the prophetic literature that addresses Persia as a major political actor. The Book of Esther is set entirely at the Persian court, and the Persian administrative vocabulary that appears in transliterated form throughout these books (satrap, parvar, pīṯgām) gives the Hebrew record an unusually direct engagement with the actual administrative life of the empire.

Pāras enters the Hebrew Bible as the empire that reconstituted post-exilic Judaism: Cyrus the Great’s edict of 539 BCE, recorded at the opening of Ezra, ended the Babylonian exile and authorized the return to Jerusalem and the rebuilding of the Temple, and Achaemenid policy throughout the period maintained the political and religious space in which Second Temple Jewish identity was formed. Deutero-Isaiah, writing in the immediate aftermath of these events, calls Cyrus the Lord’s māšîaḥ (anointed one) in Isaiah 45:1, the only time the Hebrew Bible applies this designation to a foreign king. The Hebrew naming of Persia thus carries a register fundamentally different from the Greek tradition’s construction of Persia as foundational adversary: for the post-exilic biblical writers, Pāras names the empire that made the resumption of Jewish religious life possible, and the Hebrew Bible’s Persia is a great power treated more often with measured acknowledgment than with the antagonism the same empire receives in Greek sources of the same period.

The endonym for Persia in the language of the Achaemenid royal court, attested throughout the corpus of Old Persian royal inscriptions from Darius I onward. Pārsa names both the heartland province in southwestern Iran, the region surrounding the imperial capitals of Pasargadae and Persepolis, and the empire as a whole when context indicates the broader political entity. The Behistun inscription, the foundation documents at Susa and Persepolis, and the royal tomb inscriptions at Naqsh-e Rustam all use Pārsa as the central self-designation by which the Achaemenid kings identified themselves and their realm. The form is written in the cuneiform alphabet that Darius I commissioned for the purpose of monumental display in his own language, the first script-system designed specifically for an Iranian language.

Pārsa sits in deliberate complement with the broader self-designation Ariya (“Aryan”), the older Iranian ethno-cultural identity that the Achaemenid kings explicitly claimed in their royal proclamations. Darius and Xerxes both describe themselves in their inscriptions as “Persian, son of a Persian, Aryan, of Aryan stock,” distinguishing the more specific Pārsa identity tied to the Persian tribe and its heartland from the broader Ariya identity shared with Medes, Bactrians, and the other Iranian-speaking peoples of the empire. This bifurcation is the source of the modern English distinction between “Persia” and “Iran”: Pārsa gave rise through Greek mediation to the Western European name “Persia,” which English uses for the ancient empire and its political tradition, while Ariya underlies Middle Persian Ērān and ultimately the modern name of the country, Iran. The two terms name overlapping but conceptually distinct entities, and both are visible already at the foundational level of the Achaemenid royal vocabulary.

The Demotic name for the Persians, Mty, “the Mede.” Egyptians of the Persian period called their Achaemenid overlords not by a form of Pārsa but by the name of the Medes, the older Iranian power, written Mdj in hieroglyphic and Mty in the cursive Demotic script. The designation is the standard one in the Demotic Chronicle, the early Ptolemaic prophetic text that looks back on the foreign dominations of Egypt and condemns the misrule of the “Medes,” counting Cambyses, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes III among them. The name probably reached Egyptian through Aramaic mdy, the chancellery language the Achaemenids used to administer Egypt, so that the Egyptians received the name of their rulers in the same Aramaic dress in which the empire conducted its business.

Mty is the one name on this page that descends from neither Pārsa nor Ērān. Egypt named the Persian empire after Media, the Iranian kingdom that Cyrus had absorbed a generation before any Persian army reached the Nile and that, by Egypt’s Persian period, no longer existed as an independent power. Egypt was not alone in the substitution: the Greeks did the same, calling the Persian Wars ta Mēdika, branding collaboration with Persia mēdismos, and using Mēdoi and Persai almost interchangeably. To much of the eastern Mediterranean the Medes had been the first face of Iranian power, and the name held to the Persians who succeeded them. The Demotic form records the Nile valley’s version of that habit from an unusual vantage, the vantage of a people writing under Persian rule: where the Greek “Mede” is the name of an enemy across the Aegean, the Egyptian Mty is the name of the government in Memphis.

The Elamite name for the Persian heartland, used throughout the Elamite administrative and royal corpus of the Achaemenid period. The form stands in the Elamite versions of the great royal inscriptions, the Behistun monument of Darius I and the tomb inscriptions at Naqsh-e Rustam, where Parsa heads the list of lands as the king’s own country. It also runs through the Persepolis Fortification Tablets, the archive of the imperial heartland’s daily economy, where Elamite was the working language of the bureaucracy and Paršan names the province in which that bureaucracy operated.

Paršan inverts the relationship that the Elamite entries for Egypt and Greece display. There the Elamite forms Mudraya and Yauna are loans, Old Persian satrapy-names passed through into the Elamite chancellery version for distant provinces; here Elamite names the ground beneath its own scribes. Elamite was the indigenous administrative language of the region the Persians had settled, the speech of the older Anshanite tradition out of which the Achaemenid heartland grew, so Paršan in Elamite is not a foreign satrapy recorded by imperial scribes but the local name of home. The same trilingual monuments that list Egypt and Greece as outer provinces in three languages name Persia as the center in those same three, and among them the Elamite version alone names the land in which its own scribes lived and wrote: the one country on the Achaemenid list that was, for the Elamite bureaucracy, not a province to be administered from elsewhere but the place they were writing from.

The Greek name for Persia, derived directly from Old Persian Pārsa through standard Greek phonological adaptation: the Old Persian long ā shifts to e, and the Iranian thematic ending is replaced with the Greek feminine country-name suffix -ís characteristic of toponyms like Hellás and Aigyptís. Greek also uses the related forms Persikē (with the implied noun gē, “land”) for the country and Pérsai for the Persian people. Persís enters Greek prominently in the early fifth century BCE, when the Ionian Revolt and the Greco-Persian Wars brought the Greek city-states into direct military and cultural confrontation with the Achaemenid Empire, and the form remains continuous in Greek usage through the Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine periods.

The Greek tradition treats Persia as the foundational Other against which Hellenic political and cultural identity is constructed. Aeschylus’s Persae, performed in Athens in 472 BCE only eight years after the Battle of Salamis, is the only surviving Greek tragedy set in a foreign court and the earliest extant tragedy of any kind; the play stages the Persian defeat from the perspective of the defeated Persian queen Atossa and the ghost of Darius, and its survival makes Persís the foreign country with the deepest Greek dramatic representation of any in the ancient world. Herodotus’s Histories, composed in the mid-fifth century, organize the entire trajectory of Greek-barbarian relations around the Persian Wars and treat Persian customs, government, and ethnography as the central foil for Greek self-understanding. Through Herodotus, Aeschylus, Xenophon, and the long Greek and Latin reception that follows them, Persís becomes not just a country-name but the central historical category against which the European tradition has continuously defined freedom, republicanism, and the political identity of the West, with English Persia and every Western European cognate descending directly from this Greek form.

The Imperial Aramaic name for Persia, borrowed from Old Persian Pārsa and standardized as the form used in Aramaic-language administrative documents across the Achaemenid Empire. Prs appears throughout the empire’s administrative corpus: in the Elephantine papyri of the fifth-century BCE Jewish military colony in Egypt, in legal and economic texts from Bactria and the Levant, and in the Persian-period correspondence and contract literature that circulated through the imperial chancellery system. The Hebrew-script form used in entries here reflects modern scholarly convention; the original Imperial Aramaic was written in the Aramaic alphabet, the ancestor of the modern Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic scripts.

The structural significance of Aramaic Prs lies in a paradox at the heart of Achaemenid imperial organization: the Persian Empire’s administrative language was not the imperial-ethnic language. Old Persian served the prestige function of royal inscription in the cuneiform alphabet Darius commissioned for monumental display, but the everyday work of imperial governance was conducted in Aramaic, the Northwest Semitic language that had spread as a regional lingua franca during the preceding Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods. Prs is therefore the form by which the Persians named themselves in their own administrative practice, the word a Persian official or scribe would write when recording a transaction with the Persian heartland in the language of imperial governance. The Achaemenid administrative Prs also stands at the head of a long transmission chain that runs through later Aramaic dialects into Syriac and ultimately into the Arabic Fāris that names Persia in the Islamic world: the Iranian root passes from Old Persian into the empire’s own administrative Aramaic, and from there into the Semitic naming tradition that would carry the form across the centuries that follow.

The Lycian name of the Persians, rendering the Iranian Pārsa with the Lycian letter z, an affricate, standing in for the foreign s. The Xanthos pillar writes it twice in the space of a dozen lines and spells it differently each time: Parzza in the clause “the Persians at Kaunos and the troops of the Spartans fought against the Athenians,” and parza further down, where Tissaphernes and the Persians appear together in the narrative. Both occurrences sit in the historical prose of the north face, the dynast’s account of the wars he fought under Persian authority.

On this page the name of Persia travels with the empire, from the Akkadian of Cyrus’s Babylon to the Aramaic of the imperial chanceries, and the Lycian form shows the view from inside a satrapy: a client people writing the overlord’s name in their own alphabet while fighting the overlord’s wars against Athens. Lycia had no need to borrow the word from afar; the Persians were the power that appointed its governors and took its levies. That the same stone spells the name two ways, parzza and parza, is its own small testimony: the scribe was writing a foreign word by ear, and the master’s name had not yet hardened into an orthography.

The Latin name for Persia, taken over from Greek and current in Roman usage from the Republic through Late Antiquity. Classical Latin more often named the people, Persae, and the region proper, Persis (from Greek Persís), than the country as a single abstract whole; the country-name Persia generalizes in later Latin. Roman writers first knew the Achaemenid empire through Greek historiography, and the vocabulary entered Latin with it, so that Cornelius Nepos and Curtius Rufus use Persae and Persis for the empire Alexander overthrew. The same terms then carried forward to name Rome’s own eastern adversary: Ammianus Marcellinus in the fourth century CE describes the Sasanian realm in his geographic excursus on Persia using the inherited classical vocabulary for a contemporary power.

Latin Persia is the form from which the modern Western European name descends. The chain runs from Old Persian Pārsa, the Achaemenid heartland province, through Greek Persís, which generalized the name of the home province into the name of the whole empire, into Latin Persis and Persia, and from Latin into English “Persia,” French Perse, and the other European reflexes. This is the same Greek-then-Latin route that carried Egyptian Kemet into English “Egypt” by way of Aígyptos and Aegyptus: a local name, partly understood by Greek intermediaries, fixed in Latin, and inherited by medieval and modern Europe as the standard exonym. The English speaker who says “Persia” is using, at several removes, the Achaemenid kings’ own word for the province around Persepolis, while reserving “Iran,” from the parallel Ērān, for the same country named from the other half of its ancient self-designation.

The Sanskrit name for Persia and the Persians, formed from the Old Iranian heartland name Pārsa with the Sanskrit secondary suffix -īka, “belonging to, derived from,” so that Pārasīka means literally “of Pārsa.” The term belongs to the classical layer of Sanskrit rather than the older Vedic or Pāṇinian vocabulary. Its earliest attestations fall in the geographical sections of the Mahābhārata, whose Bhīṣmaparvan survey of the world’s peoples lists the Pārasīkas (6.10.51) among the nations of the northwestern borderlands, and the form recurs through later classical literature, from Viśākhadatta’s political drama Mudrārākṣasa to the story-collection Kathāsaritsāgara, naming the Persians and their land to the west.

Pārasīka names Persia from the east, the single eastern member of a page otherwise built from western and Semitic exonyms, and yet it rests on the same foundation as all of them. Like Greek Persís, Latin Persia, and Arabic Fāris, the Sanskrit term takes the regional name Pārsa, the heartland province, rather than the ethnic self-designation that produced Ērān; the Iranians’ neighbors in every direction named them after the province of Persepolis, and only the Iranians themselves named their land for the Aryan people. Sanskrit is careful, too, to keep the Persians distinct from their Iranian cousins: the same peoples-lists that name the Pārasīkas name the Parthians Pahlava, from Old Iranian Parθava, and the Scythians Śaka, preserving in Indian dress the succession of Iranian powers that pressed on the northwest. In India the Pārsa root outlived the empire it named. When Zoroastrians fled the Arab conquest of Sasanian Persia for the western coast of India, they were received under the same name they carried with them, and their descendants are the Parsis still, a community named, like the Sanskrit word for their old homeland, for the province of Fārs.

Pāres (ܦܪܣ) is the Syriac name of Persia, fixed in the Peshitta Old Testament by Daniel’s “king of Media and Pāres” (Daniel 8:20) and the nobles “of Pāres and Media” of Esther 1:14. The gentilic Pārsāyā, plural Pārsāyē, names the Persians, as in the Peshitta’s Ezekiel 27:10, with the adverb pārsāʾīṯ, “in Persian,” for the language; the Church of the East called its ecclesiastical province in Fars Bēth Parsāyē, “the house of the Persians.” The consonants are those of Imperial Aramaic Prs, already entered elsewhere on this page: the same Aramaic word continued rather than reborrowed, now vocalized by the Syriac tradition as Pāres.

What distinguishes the Syriac name is where it was written. The Church of the East lived inside the Sasanian empire, and Syriac names Persia overwhelmingly from within: in the acts of the Persian martyrs under Šāpur II, in the synodal records of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, in the documents of communities for whom the Pārsāyē were their own kings and neighbors. Just as the Elephantine papyri show Aramaic naming Egypt from inside Egypt, Syriac names Persia from inside Persia. Aramaic had been the chancellery language of the Achaemenids, and prs one of the words its clerks carried across their empire; seven centuries later it was the language of the Christian subjects of that empire’s Iranian successors instead. Dynasties changed, and the standing of the language changed with them, but whoever ruled Iran, its Aramaic-speaking scribes went on writing the same three consonants.

The Babylonian Aramaic name of the empire, Paras, the form by which the Talmud names the Sasanian state under whose rule it was composed. The spelling continues the biblical Pāras of Cyrus and Esther, but the Bavli’s Persia is not the distant empire of Scripture; it is the contemporary power, its kings and magi and laws part of the rabbis’ own daily world.

Paras is the one name of Persia in this atlas given from inside it. Where the Greek, Hebrew, and Latin forms were written by outsiders looking at the Persian empire, the Babylonian rabbis lived within the Sasanian realm and named it as residents, observing the Persians’ fire-worship and dress and courts at first hand, sometimes admiringly: “three things I like about the Persians,” one sage says. Persia is, for the Talmud, less a foreign nation than the state one paid taxes to and argued law beside.

The Middle Persian self-designation of the Sasanian realm, derived from the older Iranian genitive plural aryānām, “of the Aryans,” and inherited from the same arya- identity that the Achaemenid kings had invoked centuries earlier as Ariya. Ērān is first attested in the early Sasanian royal inscriptions of the third century CE: Ardashir I and his successors style themselves šāhān šāh Ērān, “King of Kings of Ērān,” and Shapur I extends the title to Ērān ud Anērān, “of Iran and non-Iran,” a formula recorded in the trilingual inscription on the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt at Naqsh-e Rustam. The fuller compound Ērānšahr, “the realm of the Iranians,” names the Sasanian state as a single territorial and ideological whole, and the term passes from the inscriptional corpus into the Zoroastrian Pahlavi literature, where Ērānšahr is the sacred center of the world.

Ērān resolves the Persia/Iran split already visible in the Old Persian Pārsa of the Achaemenid inscriptions. Where Pārsa names the Persian heartland and, through Greek mediation, gives Western Europe the name “Persia,” Ērān generalizes the broader Ariya identity into the official name of an empire and, in continuous descent, into the modern name of the country, Iran. Darius had called himself “Persian, son of a Persian, Aryan, of Aryan stock,” resting his identity on the regional term; the Sasanians built their imperial title on the ethnic one instead. Persia and Iran, which English now divides between the ancient empire and the modern nation, are in origin the two halves of a single Iranian self-conception, each raised to imperial dignity by a different dynasty the better part of a millennium apart.

ʾryʾn, read Aryān, is the Parthian name for Iran, attested in the Parthian versions of the early Sasanian royal inscriptions. In the trilingual inscription of Šāpur I at the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt (c. 260 CE), the king’s Parthian titulature runs šāhān šāh Aryān ud Anaryān, “king of kings of Iran and non-Iran,” where the Middle Persian text has Ērān ud Anērān and the Greek Arianōn; the same Parthian text styles Šāpur lord of Aryānšahr (ʾryʾnḥštr), the realm of the Iranians. The form recurs in the Parthian version of Narseh’s inscription at Paikuli (c. 293 CE), and it appears already in the bilingual inscription on the investiture relief of Ardašir I at Naqsh-e Rustam, where the Parthian line calls him šāhān šāh Aryān beside the Middle Persian Ērān. Like the Middle Persian form, the word descends from the old Iranian genitive plural aryānām, “of the Aryans,” and the Greek rendering Arianōn in the trilingual confirms the a-vocalism of the Parthian reading.

The pairing with Middle Persian Ērān is exact, and it mirrors the pairing of Parthian frwm with Middle Persian Hrōm in which the two Middle Iranian languages name Rome on the same stone. Parthian preserves the older shape: where Middle Persian has contracted the first syllable to ēr-, Aryān keeps the arya- of the Achaemenid royal proclamations audibly intact, so the Parthian line of the inscription is the one in which Darius’s old self-designation, “Aryan, of Aryan stock,” can still be heard. The conception of Iran as a single named realm appears to be a Sasanian creation; no Arsacid document yet known names the empire this way, and the Arsacids’ own coinage long styled its kings with Greek titles. The language of the Parthian dynasty thus first names Iran in monuments commissioned by the dynasty that overthrew it, lending its old word for the Aryans to a political idea its own kings never proclaimed.

The Classical Armenian name for Persia: Parskʿ, formally a plural, “the Persians,” used from the first generation of Armenian literature for both the people and their empire. The stem is the Iranian Pārs itself, taken directly from the neighbor it named, and dressed in the Armenian plural -kʿ that the language also uses for its own Haykʿ; the later literature builds the fuller Parskastan on the same base. The fifth-century historians use it constantly, for the empire whose wars, marriages, and persecutions fill their pages.

No language in this atlas wrote more about Persia from closer range. Greek observed Persia across a sea and Akkadian across a scribal tradition, but Armenian wrote about Persia from inside its political orbit, in books whose great subject is precisely the struggle to not become Persian; the word Parskʿ appears in Armenian literature most often with an army attached. The name is borrowed from the Persians’ own Pārsa, unchanged at its core, which gives the entry its edge: the literature most devoted to resisting Persia never resisted the name, and fought the empire for a thousand years while calling it exactly what it called itself. The name is current still: modern Armenian calls Iran Parskastan, built on the same stem the fifth-century historians used.

Bōsī (波斯) is the Chinese name of Sasanian Persia, given its first full description in the Weishu, the history of the Northern Wei compiled in the early 550s CE, whose account of the western regions opens its notice with the state of Bōsī, capital at Sūlì, identified with Seleucia-Ctesiphon. Embassies passed between the Sasanian and Northern Wei courts from c. 455 CE, and the Weishu preserves a letter sent in the Shéngūi era (518–520) from “the king of Bōsī, Jūhéduō,” identified as Kavadh I. The name recurs in the Zhoushu, the Suishu, and the Liangshu as the fixed term for Persia, and it is a phonetic transcription: the Middle Chinese reading of the characters, conventionally transcribed pa sje, renders the Iranian name Pārs.

Bōsī completes a contrast that runs across the Chinese names in this atlas. The Han historians had named the Arsacid empire Ānxī (安息), a transcription of Aršak, the throne name of its founding house, first reported from Zhang Qian’s mission in the Shiji; and they named Rome Dàqín, “Great Qin,” an analogy rather than a sound. Bōsī does neither: it simply transcribes what the country called itself, which makes it the easternmost member of the Pārs family, the same name that yields Akkadian Parsa, Greek Persís, and, through Latin, the English “Persia.” The Liangshu, puzzled by the foreign syllables, derived them instead from the Indian king Prasenajit (Bōsīnì), a folk etymology that only measures how far the name had traveled from anything Chinese ears could parse. Modern Chinese still calls ancient Persia Bōsī. Parthia entered Chinese named for its kings and Rome named for its resemblance to China; Persia alone entered under its own name.

The Classical Arabic name for Persia, adapting the Old Iranian heartland name Pārsa to a language without the consonant /p/, which it renders as /f/. Fāris names both the southwestern province, the same region Old Persian called Pārsa and modern Persian calls Fārs, and the Persian realm and people more broadly; the Persians as a people are al-Furs. The form runs continuously through Arabic from the early Islamic period, in the historical tradition recording the Sasanian empire that the Arab conquests overthrew in the seventh century, and in the geographical literature, where Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī’s Muʿjam al-Buldān gives its entry Fāris to the province and its cities. Arabic also knows the Persians as al-ʿAjam, “the non-Arabs,” the foreign nation against which Arab identity most often defined itself.

Fāris is the Semitic counterpart to the Greek-and-Latin “Persia.” Both descend from Old Persian Pārsa, the heartland province, and both generalize that regional name to the whole empire, but where Greek and Latin kept the original /p/, Arabic shifted it to /f/ by the regular sound correspondence of a language that has no /p/. The English speaker’s “Persia” and the Arabic speaker’s Fāris are the same Achaemenid province-name carried west and south along two different routes. Like the Greek-via-Latin line, Fāris preserves the regional half of the ancient Iranian self-designation, the Pārsa of Persepolis, rather than the ethnic half that produced Ērān and Iran. The province name has outlived every empire that bore it: Fārs is still a province of Iran, and the Pārsa that Darius ruled from Persepolis survives, its consonant softened by Arabic, as a name on the modern map.

The New Persian continuation of the name this whole page traces, Pārs, the old Pārsa of Darius come home to its own language’s next age. In the Shāhnāma and the classical literature Pārs names the southern homeland province and, in the older manner, the realm itself; beside it stands the arabicized doublet Fārs, born because Arabic has no p and the conquest-era administration wrote the province’s name as it could pronounce it. Persian kept both, the native form in poetry and the Arabic form on the map, and Fārs remains the province’s official name in Iran today.

The entry closes the family circle in the one language where the name was never a foreign word. Every other member of the parsa family, Akkadian, Elamite, Greek, Latin, is the name as heard from outside; Pārs is the word’s own descendant, passed mouth to mouth from Achaemenid speech into the language of Ferdowsi, who used it to write the national epic of the very dynasty that first carved it in stone. The doublet completes the page’s irony: after two and a half millennia of continuous inheritance, the form the world can find on a modern map is the one reshaped by the only conquerors who could not say its first letter.